Workers and revolution in Serbia

Description

Rights Information

Afghanistan, Aland Islands, Albania, Algeria, American Samoa, Andorra, Angola, Anguilla, Antarctica, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bermuda, Bhutan, Bolivia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Bouvet Island, Brazil, British Indian Ocean Territory, British Virgin Islands, Brunei, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Cayman Islands, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Christmas Island, Cocos [Keeling] Islands, Colombia, Comoros, Congo [DRC], Congo [Republic], Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Cote d'Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Falkland Islands [Islas Malvinas], Faroe Islands, Fiji, Finland, France, French Guiana, French Polynesia, French Southern Territories, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Gibraltar, Greece, Greenland, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Guam, Guatemala, Guernsey, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Heard Island and McDonald Islands, Honduras, Hong Kong, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Isle of Man, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jersey, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kiribati, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macau, China, Macedonia [FYROM], Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Marshall Islands, Martinique, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mayotte, Mexico, Micronesia, Moldova, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Montserrat, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar [Burma], Namibia, Nauru, Nepal, Netherlands, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Niue, Norfolk Island, Northern Mariana Islands, North Korea, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Palau, Palestinian Territories, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Pitcairn Islands, Poland, Portugal, Puerto Rico, Qatar, Reunion, Romania, Russia, Rwanda, Saint Helena, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, South Korea, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Svalbard and Jan Mayen, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Syria, Taiwan, China, Tajikistan, Tanzania, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tokelau, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Turks and Caicos Islands, Tuvalu, U.S. Minor Outlying Islands, U.S. Virgin Islands, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, United States, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Vatican City, Venezuela, Vietnam, Wallis and Futuna, Western Sahara, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Bonaire, Sint Eustatius, Saba, Curaçao, Saint Barthélemy, Saint Martin, French part, Sint Maarten (Dutch Part), South Sudan

Endorsements

This book traces the role of ordinary workers both during the Tito period and in the October 2000 Revolution in Serbia against Milosevic. The everyday experience of workers under Tito is described, including the experiment of self-management. The authors offer a critical analysis, arguing that Tito and the Communist leadership of Yugoslavia saw self-management as a modernising project to compete with the West, and as a disciplining tool for workers in the enterprise. The socialist ideals of self-management were subsequently corrupted by Yugoslavia's turn to the market. The causes of the revolution against Milosevic are then examined, including the debilitating effects of debt and subservience to the international financial institutions, the hangover from the civil wars, and the corrupt nature of the regime. The workers of Serbia played a central role in overthrowing Milosevic and his nationalism, and this process is recorded in detail within a context of the political economy of Serbia, and its place within the wider European political environment. A central feature of the book is the analysis of the workers' movement and trade unions in Serbia. The authors present an account which runs contrary to many descriptions of 'labour weakness' in post-Communist states and argue that organised labour should be studied as a movement in and for itself rather than as a passive object of external forces. Two labour movement waves have emerged under post-Communism, the first as a desire for democracy, the second as a force for political clientelism. A third wave, against the ravages of neoliberalism, is only just emerging.

Reviews

This book traces the role of ordinary workers both during the Tito period and in the October 2000 Revolution in Serbia against Milosevic. The everyday experience of workers under Tito is described, including the experiment of self-management. The authors offer a critical analysis, arguing that Tito and the Communist leadership of Yugoslavia saw self-management as a modernising project to compete with the West, and as a disciplining tool for workers in the enterprise. The socialist ideals of self-management were subsequently corrupted by Yugoslavia's turn to the market. The causes of the revolution against Milosevic are then examined, including the debilitating effects of debt and subservience to the international financial institutions, the hangover from the civil wars, and the corrupt nature of the regime. The workers of Serbia played a central role in overthrowing Milosevic and his nationalism, and this process is recorded in detail within a context of the political economy of Serbia, and its place within the wider European political environment. A central feature of the book is the analysis of the workers' movement and trade unions in Serbia. The authors present an account which runs contrary to many descriptions of 'labour weakness' in post-Communist states and argue that organised labour should be studied as a movement in and for itself rather than as a passive object of external forces. Two labour movement waves have emerged under post-Communism, the first as a desire for democracy, the second as a force for political clientelism. A third wave, against the ravages of neoliberalism, is only just emerging.